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Central Bank and Multilateral Agency Publication | October 01, 2002

Why Do We Still Write So Many Checks?

Central Bank Provision of Payment Services

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Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago Why Do We Use so Many Checks?

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Payments Product Analyses
By: Sujit Chakravorti and Timothy McHugh
Source: Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago Economic Perspectives

The primary question Chakravorti and McHugh address in this article is why consumers, merchants, and financial institutions are reluctant to embrace electronic payments even though electronic payment networks, such as the credit card and automated clearinghouse (ACH) networks, have existed for more than 25 years. While most Internet-based transactions are primarily processed via credit card networks, most noncash off-line payments by both consumers and businesses in the United States are made with checks.

In the United States, there are over 15 checks written per month per person. This is more than three times the number of checks written per person in Canada or the United Kingdom and at least 15 times more per person than in Germany, Italy, Belgium, the Netherlands, Sweden, or Switzerland (Bank for International Settlements, 2000, and Federal Reserve System, 2001).

In this article, they incorporate various strands of the payment literature to provide a more integrated view as to why payment system participants are reluctant to use electronic payments. Brito and Hartley (1995), Hirschman (1982), Mantel (2000), Murphy (1988), and Whitesell (1992) focus on consumer choice issues. Radecki (1999) and Wells (1996) discuss the revenue earned and cost to financial institutions from providing check services. Food Marketing Institute (1994, 1998, and 2000), Chakravorti and To (1999), and Murphy and Ott (1977) concentrate on the merchants’ perspectives. McAndrews (1997) and Weinberg (1997) investigate the network issues. Connolly and Eisenmenger (2000), Benston and Humphrey (1997), Green and Todd (2001), Guynn (1996), and Lacker and Weinberg (1998) discuss the Federal Reserve’s role in the payment system. A more integrated analysis of the underlying incentives of various payment system participants has been developed by Baxter (1983), Chakravorti and Emmons (2001), Chakravorti and Shah (2001), Rochet and Tirole (2000), and Wright (2000).

They study the incentives underlying the payment network to examine why, unlike several other industrialized countries, the United States has been slow to abandon checks. Many observers claim that electronic payments are less expensive than checks. However, these social cost comparisons usually ignore transition costs and the underlying incentives to each payment participant. Furthermore, the provision and usage of payment services exhibit network effects, more commonly referred to as the chicken-and-egg problem, which may impede the adoption of new payment technologies. Even if electronic payments are less expensive and they can overcome the chicken-and-egg problem, consumers, merchants, and financial institutions may still be reluctant to move to electronic payments. They analyze why this is so. In addition, they explore actions by the Federal Reserve to improve the check processing system and whether this could possibly hinder the migration away from checks. Finally, they discuss potential drivers to the adoption of electronic payments.

 

In this article, they incorporate various strands of the payment literature to provide a more integrated view as to why payment system participants are reluctant to use electronic payments. Brito and Hartley (1995), Hirschman (1982), Mantel (2000), Murphy (1988), and Whitesell (1992) focus on consumer choice issues. Radecki (1999) and Wells (1996) discuss the revenue earned and cost to financial institutions from providing check services. Food Marketing Institute (1994, 1998, and 2000), Chakravorti and To (1999), and Murphy and Ott (1977) concentrate on the merchants’ perspectives. McAndrews (1997) and Weinberg (1997) investigate the network issues. Connolly and Eisenmenger (2000), Benston and Humphrey (1997), Green and Todd (2001), Guynn (1996), and Lacker and Weinberg (1998) discuss the Federal Reserve’s role in the payment system. A more integrated analysis of the underlying incentives of various payment system participants has been developed by Baxter (1983), Chakravorti and Emmons (2001), Chakravorti and Shah (2001), Rochet and Tirole (2000), and Wright (2000).

They study the incentives underlying the payment network to examine why, unlike several other industrialized countries, the United States has been slow to abandon checks. Many observers claim that electronic payments are less expensive than checks. However, these social cost comparisons usually ignore transition costs and the underlying incentives to each payment participant. Furthermore, the provision and usage of payment services exhibit network effects, more commonly referred to as the chicken-and-egg problem, which may impede the adoption of new payment technologies. Even if electronic payments are less expensive and they can overcome the chicken-and-egg problem, consumers, merchants, and financial institutions may still be reluctant to move to electronic payments. They analyze why this is so. In addition, they explore actions by the Federal Reserve to improve the check processing system and whether this could possibly hinder the migration away from checks. Finally, they discuss potential drivers to the adoption of electronic payments.

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Universal Access, Cost Recovery, and Payment Services

Chakravorti, Gunther, and Moore suggest a subtle, yet far-reaching, tension in the objectives specified by the Monetary Control Act of 1980 (MCA) for the Federal Reserve’s role in providing retail payment services, such as check processing. Specifically, we argue that the requirement of an overall cost-revenue match, coupled with the goal of ensuring equitable access on a universal basis, partially shifted the burden of cost recovery from high-cost to low-cost service points during the MCA’s early years, thereby allowing private-sector competitors to enter the low-cost segment of the market and undercut the relatively uniform prices charged by the Fed. To illustrate this conflict, we develop a voter model for what begins as a monopoly setting in which a regulatory regime that establishes a uniform price irrespective of cost differences, and restricts total profits to zero, initially dominates through majority rule both deregulation and regulation that sets price equal to cost on a bank-by-bank basis. Uniform pricing is dropped in this model once cream-skimming has subsumed half the market. These results help illumine the Federal Reserve’s experience in retail payments under the MCA, particularly the movement over time to a less uniform fee structure for check processing.

Book Chapter | August 01, 2012

Digitization of Retail Payment Systems

Bolt and Chakravorti investigate the research on electronic payment systems. The rapid growth in the use of electronic payment instruments, especially payment cards, is a striking feature of most modern economies. Payment data indicate that strong scale economies exist for electronic payments. Payment costs will decrease through the consolidation of payment processing operations as economies of scale are realized. They come to the following conclusions: competition does not necessarily improve the balance of prices for two-sided markets and the ability of merchants to charge different prices is a powerful incentive to convince consumers to use a certain payment instrument. The effect of interventions on consumers, merchants, and banks in Australia, Spain, the European Union, and the United States are discussed. The authors also consider a few areas of payment economics that deserve greater attention.

Central Bank and Multilateral Agency Publication | March 01, 1997

How Do We Pay?

In this article, Chakravorti argues that consumers’ use of newer, less expensive payment alternatives depends on the incentives merchants and payment instrument providers offer, along with consumers’ comfort level and faith in the instruments. Once consumers are comfortable with the newer electronic alternatives, cost of usage, convenience, and frequent-use incentives will determine which payment instrument dominates

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